Room and board Durham North Carolina for sex

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Try out PMC Labs and tell us what you think. Learn More. We build on social disorganization theory to formulate and test a hierarchical model of sex worker use among male Hispanic immigrants in the Durham, North Carolina area. At the individual level, we find support for the systemic model of community attachment, as time in the U. At the neighborhood level we find that structural social disorganization, external social disorganization or broken windowsand collective efficacy all correlate with sex worker use in the expected direction.

When taken together, collective efficacy and gender imbalances stand out as central mediators between other dimensions of social disorder and sex worker use. Overall, we stress the importance of considering the neighborhood context of reception as an added dimension for understanding and improving immigrant health. Migration brings more and different people into contact, potentially acting as a bridge between low and high risk groups.

Especially in the context of movement from less to more developed settings, cultural differences between places of origin and destination might encourage the adoption of sexual risk behaviors. These issues are particularly salient for Latin American migration to the U. The social forces exposing migrants to sexual risks are complex. Several studies have documented high rates of commercial sex worker CSW use among Hispanic migrants and elaborated on the individual level dimensions hypothesized to affect risks, including gender ideologies and lack of knowledge about HIV.

More difficult to pinpoint, however, have been the structural conditions of the receiving context, including dimensions of community organization such as the neighborhood context of reception, that shape CSW use among migrants Organista et al. Accordingly, we build on social disorganization theories of immigrant adaptation and their extension in the literatures on crime and health Kawachi and Berkman ; Robert to formulate and test a multi-level model of CSW use, which is both an important STI risk behavior and a general indicator of sexual health and adaptation, among Hispanic male migrants in the U.

Community social organization influences CSW use on two levels. At the individual level dimensions of community attachment such as length of residency increase perceptions of commitment and foster the social bonds and networks responsible for healthier practices. We demonstrate that CSW use is directly connected with individual and neighborhood processes of community social organization.

At the individual level, time in the U. As a result, CSW use concentrates in well defined areas of residence; identifying such neighborhoods can be a particularly useful strategy for the development of more targeted and cost-effective interventions that use neighborhoods as the unit of analysis and affect both the individual and contextual forces shaping migrant behavior. Between and over 8 million Latin Americans entered the U. This rapid growth and dispersion raised concerns about immigrant adaption and health risks, including STIs such as HIV. Estimates show that while Hispanics represented 15 percent of the U.

Moreover, at 15 percent, the share of cases contracted via heterosexual transmission was more than twice the rate for NH-Whites. Hispanics are also overrepresented among those with other STIs; in the rate of newly diagnosed chlamydia, gonorrhea and syphilis cases were three, two, and ten times higher, respectively, than among NH-Whites CDC ab.

Heightened risk among Hispanics could be particularly acute among the foreign born, especially in new areas of Hispanic destination. In addition, rates of chlamydia, gonorrhea, and syphilis for Hispanics in the State were far higher than among NH-Whites. There is evidence that CSW use is contributing to disease transmission. Moreover, research suggests that having numerous casual Room and board Durham North Carolina for sex partners is often associated with depression, low self-esteem, and other negative outcomes Harris Thus the connection between migration and commercial sex is important in its own right, over and above its implications for STIs, as a measure of psychological well-being and adjustment Laumann and Michael ; Michael The process of maintaining or rebuilding intimate ties after migration can be seen as part and parcel of the general process of immigrant adjustment, and thus subject to both the individual and neighborhood level mechanisms highlighted in social disorganization theories.

A of studies have documented heightened CSW use among migrant Hispanics. Similar are reported by Parrado and colleagues Among returned migrants in Mexico, Organista and colleagues found that 44 percent reported a commercial partner in the U. In a recent study in rural North Carolina, Knipper and colleagues report that Moreover, this pattern does not appear to be a continuation of practices from communities of origin.

National level studies from Mexico Pulerwitz, Izazola-Lizea and Gortmakerfor example, found that only 5 percent of menreported visiting a CSW in the past year. In a study comparing migrants and non-migrants, Parrado and Flippen forthcoming found that 48 percent of single migrant men engaged in commercial sex during the year compared to only 5 percent of their counterparts in communities of origin. Differences in sexual behavior across contexts also translated into different lifetime prevalence of STIs, as only 1. While these studies have provided a rich description of the context in which commercial sex is situated, lack of comparable information across settings has prevented an empirical analysis of the impact of context on behavior.

In addition, lack of survey data and small sample sizes has limited the capacity of prior studies to formulate statistical models that can differentiate the various roles of individual and structural sources of risk within an integrated framework. Our analysis builds on this prior literature but provides a more specific elaboration of the contextual forces mediating the connection between migration and CSW use. We focus on a central but neglected dimension of contextual influence, the neighborhood context of reception.

Thus, to our knowledge, this study is the first to describe and model cross-neighborhood variation in CSW use among Hispanic migrants, a strategy particularly fruitful for evaluating how particular contextual configurations can affect risk behavior.

Our theoretical framework integrates classical social disorganization theory of immigrant adaptation with expectations derived from more recent developments and applications in the criminology and health literatures. Originally formulated to explain the experience of European migrants arriving to the U. Under certain conditions, migration can be a socially disorganizing experience that exposes migrants to unfamiliar rules and patterns of behavior and disrupts the socio-interactional processes that ed for social cohesion in communities of origin.

As a result, the social ills observed when people are placed in new contexts, such as alcoholism, depression, or family violence, are explained by variation in the absence or breakdown of the mechanisms responsible for social bonds and community attachment, rather than by cultural traits or imported patterns of behaviors. Despite its close connection with the immigrant adaptation Room and board Durham North Carolina for sex, further elaborations of the relationship between social disorganization and individual behaviors primarily came from the criminology literature.

Social disorganization became more precisely defined as the inability of communities to achieve the common goals of their residents and maintain effective social control. This system of community attachment translates into informal and formal channels of social control responsible for the self-regulation of communities, which especially includes the behavior of young men Bursik ; Kasarda and Janowitz While much of the literature on social disorganization has focused on crime, it has a much wider utility and application; social control refers more generally to the capacity of groups to regulate their members according to desired and collective principles of well-being, which include health behaviors Sampson et al.

The main emphasis is on understanding the community processes that structure risk. While it is easy to view the social disorganization literature from a deficit perspective, focusing on what migrant communities lack rather than their strengths, this is not an inherent part of the theory.

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The central insight is the focus on variation in dimensions of social dis organization, rather than psychological or cultural traits, as undergirding individual risk behaviors. Not all migrant communities are disorganized and lacking in social networks. And migrants living in disorganized communities are also not lacking in agency and resources. At the individual levelsocial disorganization theory stresses the role of personal attachments, in particular length of residence, as a key factor affecting the social bonds regulating behaviors.

Incorporating newcomers into the fabric of communities is an inherently temporal process; as length of residence increases, migrants become more enmeshed in the established networks and associational ties that regulate behavior Kasarda and Janowitz The main expectation is that risk behaviors in part result from the disruptions emanating from relocation to a new environment and should diminish with time, as social bonds are reconstructed.

As applied to sexuality, increased time in the U. Length of residence also affects the capacity of migrants to form more stable non-commercial sexual relationships. These factors are particularly pertinent for immigrants, especially Hispanics in new destinations, because they are not randomly distributed within metropolitan areas. Instead, they tend to cluster in well-defined neighborhoods that differ systematically from non-immigrant communities in their risk profiles.

These neighborhood contexts of reception can have direct effects on CSW use. First, in their classic study of the spatial distribution of crime across Chicago neighborhoods, Shaw and McKay identified three structural conditions that undergirded the spatial concentration and temporal continuity of risk across contexts: poor economic conditions, population turnover, and ethnic heterogeneity. These expectations have not only received substantial validation in the literature on crime but are also consistently found to be related to risk behaviors and health Lee and Cubbin ; Sampson and Morenoff Second, physical conditions in the local environment also link social disorganization and risk.

In an influential article, Wilson and Kelling argued that minor incivilities and physical deterioration can contribute to more serious violent crime. This includes elements of physical disorder such as graffiti, litter, broken windows, and general disrepair, and behavioral disorder such as public urination, unruly youth, or street prostitution. These conditions act as an invitation to deviance and contribute to the spiraling deterioration of urban neighborhoods, including a worsening of health conditions. Though the argument can be made that physical neighborhood conditions are more a reflection than a cause of social disadvantage Harcourtpublic health research is also suggestive of a link between physical conditions and adverse outcomes.

For instance, Wallace demonstrated that the spatial pattern of disease distribution, including HIV and tuberculosis, closely corresponds with variation in the extent of deterioration across inner city neighborhoods in metropolitan areas of the U. In addition, Cohen and colleagues demonstrated that neighborhood physical conditions such as boarded up housing also positively correlate with rates of gonorrhea and premature mortality.

Third, rather than focusing on external indicators of economic and physical deterioration, Sampson and colleagues have built on the concept of social capital and self-efficacy to postulate a theory of collective efficacy that captures the social interactional processes leading to healthy communities. As such, the ability of neighborhoods to regulate public order depends in large part on conditions of social cohesion, trust, and solidarity among residents, elements that are likely to vary across immigrant receiving neighborhoods according to their degree of marginalization and isolation.

Several studies indicate that collective efficacy might be particularly relevant for understanding variation in sexual risks, especially among teenagers and young adults. In an early study, Aneshensel and Sucoff found that the association between low neighborhood socioeconomic status and adolescent depression was ed for by low levels of neighborhood social cohesion.

In a similar vein Browning and colleagues found that neighborhood collective efficacy delays sexual onset, especially for adolescents with lower levels of parental monitoring. Finally, Hispanic immigrant communities, especially those in new areas of destination in the U. The gender composition of communities has received little prior attention as a neighborhood dimension of health risk behaviors, although it has been highlighted as a confounding factor in studies of CSW use among migrant farm workers Mishra et Room and board Durham North Carolina for sex.

At the individual level, Hagan and colleagueshave advanced a power-control theory of crime to for gender differences in criminal involvement.

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Building on feminist perspectives, they argue that the gendered division of labor in male dominated societies means that women become more directly both the instruments and subject of social control than men. Particularly important for social control in immigrant communities, the socialization and control of children falls mainly under the purview of women, rendering them the primary instruments of social control within the family. While it has not received a systematic treatment in the literature on neighborhood effects, we argue that this instrumental role of women also extends to local communities.

A more balanced gender composition could be a resource that can trigger informal social controls and reduce risk practices such as CSW use. This could be especially applicable in the context of international migration since women often serve as a link between migrants and their communities and families of origin. Taken together, these studies provide strong evidence of the importance of variation in neighborhood social organization for health outcomes and behavior, yet they have not been applied to the original focus of social disorganization theory, immigrants.

Accordingly, we analyze the impact of these 4 aspects of neighborhood context, i. The Durham area is a particularly interesting setting to examine the link between social disorganization and risk behaviors. The high tech boom in the nearby research triangle fueled rapid growth in the area in recent decades.

The demand for workers in construction and service industries grew accordingly, prompting a rise of the Hispanic population from less than 1 to 9 percent of the total population between and The recency and rapidity of growth are evident in the demographic composition of the Hispanic community. Data from the Census shows that nearly 75 percent of Hispanics in the area are foreign born, with more than 85 percent migrating to the United States after Not surprisingly, the vast majority are undocumented, exhibit relatively low levels of English fluency, and are concentrated in low-skill employment.

Like many areas of new migrant destination the gender composition of the Hispanic population is highly uneven Suro and Singer,with more than 2 men aged 20 to 29 for every like-aged woman. As a result, a relatively well-developed sex industry has developed around areas of Hispanic concentration.

Street-walking CSWs solicit in areas where migrants congregate and a of brothels operate in and around apartment complexes with large s of unaccompanied male migrants.

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Groups of CSWs also frequent male-dominated apartments complexes soliciting men gathered in common areas or searching out former clients Cravey, ; Parrado, Flippen, and Uribe forthcoming. Data for the analysis come from 1, face-to face interviews collected in 2 phases, from and with Hispanic male immigrants residing in 32 apartment complexes in Durham, NC.

We collected data on drug use and the use of syringes, including needle sharing. The former was relatively uncommon and the latter virtually non-existent among local migrants. In addition, less than 1. We therefore concentrate on commercial sex, the most commonly reported behavior associated with STIs. The relatively recent development of the Durham Hispanic community required special considerations to approximate a representative sample Smith and Furuseth In our case, a group of 14 Hispanic men and women from the community were directly involved in every stage of the research, including formulation and revision of the questionnaire, identification of survey locales, and development of strategies to guarantee the collection of meaningful information.

In addition, the CBPR group was trained in survey methods and conducted all interviews. The group was instrumental in allowing us to reach the still nascent Hispanic community and in ensuring the quality of the information collected. The CBPR group helped us to achieve a refusal rate of In addition, regular group meetings were used to discuss and to gain culturally grounded interpretations for the analyses.

We followed targeted random sampling techniques to approximate a representative sample of the Durham Hispanic community. Based on CBPR discussions and field work in the community we identified 35 apartment complexes and blocks and 13 trailer parks that house large s of migrant Hispanics.

Room and board Durham North Carolina for sex

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“Community attachment, neighborhood context, and sex worker use among Hispanic migrants in Durham, North Carolina, USA”